By Anne King
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Extra resources for An Economic History of Kenya and Uganda 1800–1970
Whisson has said of theLuo: Friends and close relations would cultivate together in strips down the slope towards the stream ... When a plot was exhausted, the group might move further up the valley along the ridge and dig another piece. In this way one woman might dig several strips in different places during her stay in one home, strips over which 28 An Economic History of Kenya and Uganda 1800-1970 her sons alone would have rights of ownership, and her daughterin-law of cultivation. As the group expanded, a part might hive off and go to build new homes, even further up the valley or elsewhere, leaving their old homes occupied by the old people.
Moreover the total fertility rate appears to be increasing. In Uganda it rose to 6·5 in 1959 and 7·1 in 1969. A small proportion of urban-based women would seem to be moving towards family planning but this fact does not appear to have affected the overall picture. These three factors, the proportion of children in the community, the relatively high birth rate and the high number of births per woman all point to the likelihood of a very high increase in population in the future. Another contributory factor would appear to be the possibility of declines in the infant mortality rate and the crude death rates.
Five years later in 1902 the first Crown Lands Ordinance allowed the Colonial authority to issue settlers with ninetynine year leases on land which had been designated as Crown Land; in 1915 the length of such leases was extended to 999 years. The area which came to be known as the White Highlands had no legal demarcation until 1939 but in practice land in this area could not be purchased by non-Europeans. The Imperial authorities provided the settlers with constant verbal assurances of this. The restriction of the indigenous peoples to 'Reserves' was not made law until 1926.