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By Robert H. Haveman

Paperback, 392 pages, 6 x 0.9 x nine inches, Written via Robert H. Haveman for the Institute for examine on Poverty Poverty coverage research sequence.

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Friedman the efforts of these pushy groups. If we take, at random, any volume of legislation, federal or state, and thumb through it, one needs neither insight nor inside information to see the handiwork of lobbies, groups, and interests on every page. This, then, is another major, massive source of governmental action. The first point to make about the war on poverty (perhaps also the Great Society in general) is that neither of these major forms of adaptation explains much. There were no outside stimuli: no war, no depression, no obvious revolutionary stirring, except in the case of the black minority.

The reality was more than the fact that it is one thing to enact, quite another to implement. " What was just as crucial was the way the programs were structured in the first place. The centralization was only apparent, or was only superficial, or was a matter solely of money. The big new programs were "federal" or "run from Washington" only in superficial ways. In fact, the programs were intensely local and were drafted that way; all that could come out of Washington was a stifling array of meaningless forms and—very important—a pot of gold.

137 (District Court, W . D . Kentucky, 4 January 1935). ^ P u b . L . 111: 50/1). ^ O n the history of public housing and urban renewal, see Lawrence M . Friedman, Government and Slum Housing: A Century of Frustration (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1968). " Stevens and Stevens, Medicine in America, p. 3 2 . Welfare 40 Lawrence M. Friedman lance —may be, politically speaking, the most sacrosanct of the New Deal programs. Here, by way of contrast, the element of local option is very weak. A state must have an approved plan; but the federal requirements are not very stringent.

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